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    Assignment范文參考:NGOs in global politics and state sovereignty

    論文價格: 免費 時間:2022-07-08 15:59:46 來源:www.mobile1apps.com 作者:留學作業網

    Assignment格式范文-全球政治和國家主權中的非政府組織。本文是一篇留學生國際關系專業Assignment格式范文,主要內容是探討了非政府組織在全球政治中日益增加的影響力,并特別側重于發展非政府組織的作用以及它們挑戰傳統國家主權理解的方式。討論的重點是發展非政府組織,以了解有多少這樣的組織發揮了傳統上被視為民族國家保護區的作用,直接參與醫療保健、基礎設施發展和教育提供。討論首先著眼于非政府組織在國際發展中日益重要的地位,然后強調這如何導致它們在影響力方面挑戰國家提供者。討論的最后兩部分批判性地審視了這一問題,并審查了這些事態發展在多大程度上直接挑戰了國家主權,以及在多大程度上應將其視為一個問題。下面就一起來看一下國際關系專業留學生Assignment范文的全部內容。

    assignment格式范文

    Introduction 簡介

    This discussion examines the increasing influence of NGOs in global politics and focuses specifically on the role of development NGOs and the way in which they have challenged traditional understandings of state sovereignty. The discussion focuses on development NGOs in order to understand how many such organisations have taken on roles which were traditionally seen as the preserve of the nation state, being directly involved in healthcare provision, infrastructure development and educational provision. The discussion begins with a look at the increasing importance of NGOs in international development before highlighting how this has then led to them challenging state providers in terms of influence. The final two sections of the discussion cast a critical eye on the issue and examine the extent to which these developments have directly challenged state sovereignty and also the extent to which this should be seen as a problem.

    The increased role of NGOs in development 非政府組織在發展中的作用增強

    The increasing influence of NGOs in global politics is something which has taken off in the post-war years (Weber 2010). Increasingly, the trend has reached such significant proportions that international relations theorists have argued that many traditional theories of international relations such as realism are now no longer relevant in light of these increasingly important global institutions (Weber 2010). As globalisation has gathered pace, and media coverage has become ever more comprehensive the number of NGOs which now have a truly global reach has grown dramatically (Green 2008). Organisations such as Oxfam now have a comprehensive global reach and an institutional and logistical capability which makes them one of the best equipped organisations in the world (Green 2008). Both Green (2008) and Chang (2003) argue that this professionalisation of what were once small charities run largely by well-meaning volunteers (or frequently religious organisations), has fundamentally changed the capabilities of what these organisations are able to achieve. By logical extension, this enhanced capability therefore, gives such organisations a much greater scope and power which inevitably results in enhanced political power and relevance. A key positive is that such organisations are now able to achieve far more than was ever thought possible less than a century ago. However, the downside for some is that this power is frequently not coupled with democratic accountability and responsibility.

    非政府組織在全球政治中的影響力日益增強,這一點在戰后幾年得到了發展。這種趨勢越來越嚴重,以至于國際關系理論家認為,鑒于這些日益重要的全球機構,許多傳統的國際關系理論(如現實主義)現在不再具有相關性。隨著全球化步伐加快,媒體報道越來越全面,現在真正具有全球影響力的非政府組織數量急劇增加。像樂施會這樣的組織現在擁有全面的全球影響力,以及機構和后勤能力,這使它們成為世界上裝備最好的組織之一(綠色2008)。Green和Chang都認為,過去主要由善意志愿者(或經常是宗教組織)經營的小型慈善機構的專業化,從根本上改變了這些組織能夠實現的能力。因此,從邏輯上講,這種增強的能力為此類組織提供了更大的范圍和權力,這必然導致政治權力和相關性的增強。一個關鍵的積極因素是,這樣的組織現在能夠取得比不到一個世紀前所認為的可能要多得多的成就。然而,對一些人來說,不利的一面是,這種權力往往沒有與民主問責制和責任相結合。

    Large scale development NGOs and state sovereignty 大規模發展非政府組織與國家主權

    The controversial element of large scale development NGOs in relation to state sovereignty comes on those occasions in which NGOs provide services which are traditionally seen as the role of the state. In some cases this is not controversial, for example in developing countries which have experienced a major natural disaster where immediate relief is urgently needed. However, in other cases where NGOs are involved in more long term provision of services, their impact on state sovereignty can be seen as being problematic. Perhaps the main reason for this is that they undermine the relationship between state and citizen and frequently undermine the sovereignty of political institutions (Riddel 2014). Whilst this is done with the best of immediate intentions writers such as Riddel (2014) and Houtzager (2006) have argued that the long term impact of this can be damaging both to the actual conditions in the particular country, but also to the political strength and accountability of the state. The argument goes that by taking over services which the state could provide, NGOs undermine the longer term planning and development of the state and effectively make it reliant on NGOs for service provision. Academics such as Houtzager (2006) argue that the only long term method for sustainable development, revolves around a strong and accountable state with genuine political power, and therefore NGOs which undermine this are in his view damaging to the longer term prospects for developing states.

    與國家主權有關的大規模發展非政府組織的爭議因素出現在非政府組織提供傳統上被視為國家角色的服務的場合。在某些情況下,這沒有爭議,例如在經歷了重大自然災害的發展中國家,迫切需要立即救濟。然而,在非政府組織參與更長期提供服務的其他情況下,它們對國家主權的影響可能被視為是有問題的??赡苤饕蚴撬鼈兤茐牧藝液凸裰g的關系,并經常破壞政治機構的主權。雖然這是出于最直接的意圖,但Riddel和Houtzager等作家認為,這一行為的長期影響可能會損害特定國家的實際情況,也會損害國家的政治實力和問責制。有人認為,非政府組織接管國家可以提供的服務,破壞了國家的長期規劃和發展,并有效地使其依賴非政府組織提供服務。Houtzager等學者認為,可持續發展的唯一長期方法是建立一個強大、負責任、擁有真正政治權力的國家,因此,在他看來,破壞這一點的非政府組織損害了發展中國家的長期前景。

    A further area in which NGOs are able to undermine state sovereignty, relates to the way in which NGOs are able to undermine the diplomatic positions of sovereign states by addressing problems or issues directly at source (Thakur 2006). For example, a nation state may invoke economic sanctions on a particular state in order to create diplomatic pressure but NGOs are able to bypass this to a certain extent by taking funds direct from citizens and using them in the way they best see fit. By remaining unaccountable to direct state power they are able to challenge the power of the state in numerous ways.

    非政府組織能夠破壞國家主權的另一個領域涉及非政府組織通過直接從源頭解決問題來破壞主權國家外交立場的方式。例如,一個民族國家可能會對一個特定國家實施經濟制裁,以制造外交壓力,但非政府組織可以在一定程度上繞過這一點,直接從公民那里獲得資金,并以他們認為最合適的方式使用。通過不負責任地指揮國家權力,他們能夠以多種方式挑戰國家權力。

    Overall, it can therefore be seen that, in the vast majority of cases NGOs have never directly challenged state sovereignty but by virtue of their contribution towards a variety of issues, they have gradually eroded the role of the state in many areas. Also in some cases it can be seen that large scale NGOs have at times directly challenged the power of the state through the provision of certain services and their sheer size and capability. Broadly speaking however there is no major evidence put forward by any of the writers examined which would suggest that NGOs have directly challenged or undermined state sovereignty. Rather, the picture which emerges points to one in which state sovereignty and power is undermined by global governance institutions and large corporations, and then the gaps are plugged (or attempts are made to plug them) by myriad forms of NGO. This point is also supported by Eimer (2009).

    因此,總的來說,可以看出,在絕大多數情況下,非政府組織從未直接挑戰過國家主權,但由于它們對各種問題的貢獻,它們在許多領域逐漸削弱了國家的作用。此外,在某些情況下,可以看出,大型非政府組織有時通過提供某些服務及其規模和能力直接挑戰國家權力。然而,從廣義上講,沒有任何被調查的作者提出重大證據表明非政府組織直接挑戰或破壞了國家主權。相反,出現的情況表明,國家主權和權力受到全球治理機構和大公司的破壞,然后差距被無數形式的非政府組織填補(或試圖填補)。這一點也得到了Eimer的支持。

    Critical Reflection 批判性反思

    The relationship between the modern political and international landscape and state sovereignty is particularly problematic. The role of supranational institutions such as the United Nations and the EU frequently make the news because of what is seen as their lack of true democratic accountability. However, the arguments made above show how NGOs are also contributing to this challenge on state sovereignty. The extent to which one sees this as a problem, is largely driven by the perspective one takes on the importance of the state as a provider of security and long term support. A key threat of such significant NGO involvement is that in huge numbers of cases the NGO in question is based in a different country to that country which it is attempting to help. This therefore, makes longer term security much harder to obtain from such involvement.

    現代政治和國際格局與國家主權之間的關系尤其成問題。聯合國和歐盟等超國家機構的作用經常成為新聞,因為它們缺乏真正的民主問責制。然而,上述論點表明,非政府組織如何也在對國家主權的這一挑戰作出貢獻。人們認為這是一個問題的程度,很大程度上取決于人們對國家作為安全和長期支持提供者的重要性的看法。如此重要的非政府組織參與的一個關鍵威脅是,在大量情況下,有關非政府組織的總部位于與其試圖幫助的國家不同的國家。因此,這使得從這種參與中獲得長期安全變得更加困難。

    However, in contrast to this view it must also be noted that the vast majority of major NGOs work closely with many governments in attempting to support and develop infrastructures and key provisions (for example health provision) and that the idea that they undermine sovereignty in the state is questionable. This point is highlighted by Eimer (2009) in relation to China with Eimer (2009) highlighting the fact that the Chinese government has actively encouraged growth in the voluntary and NGO sector within China and has even encouraged foreign NGOs to become involved. Eimer (2009 p.1) points out that;

    然而,與這一觀點相反,還必須指出的是,絕大多數主要非政府組織與許多政府密切合作,試圖支持和發展基礎設施和關鍵設施(例如衛生設施),而且認為它們損害國家主權的想法值得懷疑。Eimer在與中國的關系中強調了這一點,Eimer強調了一個事實,即中國政府積極鼓勵中國境內志愿和非政府組織部門的發展,甚至鼓勵外國非政府組織參與。Eimer指出;

    Officials are now actively talking up the role of charities and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), as they hope to harness the newfound enthusiasm amongst the Chinese for giving to charity and volunteering that has appeared since the Sichuan earthquake. Because it has little experience of its own of working with such groups, China plans to use some of Britain’s most famous charities as role models for their own voluntary sector.

    官員們現在正在積極討論慈善機構和非政府組織的作用,因為他們希望利用四川地震以來中國人對慈善和志愿服務的新熱情。由于中國自身缺乏與此類團體合作的經驗,中國計劃利用英國一些最著名的慈善機構作為其志愿服務部門的榜樣。

    For a country with such a strong government as China to actively introduce NGOs and third sector involvement in the country shows that they do not perceive NGOs to represent a threat to sovereignty. Eimer (2009 p.1) highlights points made by Dr. Wang (the Minister in charge of NGOs in China) as directly looking towards major existing NGOs as examples of what can be achieved, arguing that;

    對于一個像中國這樣擁有強大政府的國家來說,積極引入非政府組織和第三部門參與國家事務表明,他們并不認為非政府組織對主權構成威脅。Eimer強調了王博士(中國非政府組織主管部長)的觀點,認為他直接著眼于現有的主要非政府組織,以此作為可以取得成就的例子,認為:;

    Dr. Wang is looking to Britain and charities like Save the Children, which works extensively in China, for examples of how best to boost China’s charity sector. “The way Save the Children operates is a good example for us,” said Dr Wang. “I think we can learn a lot from the UK. For example, the laws relating to charities, the institutions that govern charities and the way they are managed, both large charities and grassroots ones. In the past, charities played a very important role in transforming the UK into a modern society.

    王博士希望英國和在中國廣泛開展工作的“拯救兒童”等慈善機構能成為推動中國慈善事業發展的最佳范例。王博士說:“拯救兒童組織的運作方式對我們來說是一個很好的例子?!??!拔艺J為我們可以從英國學到很多東西。例如,有關慈善機構的法律、管理慈善機構的機構以及慈善機構的管理方式,包括大型慈善機構和基層慈善機構。過去,慈善機構在將英國轉變為現代社會方面發揮了非常重要的作用。

    However, it must also be acknowledged here that the Chinese government has such a strong power base that there are virtually no institutions on the planet which could challenge them. That said, it does provide some evidence that NGOs do not necessarily undermine sovereignty even where they have major involvement. Indeed, many such as Green (2008) and Chang (2003) argue that even with well-functioning democratic governments in wealthy states there are still areas in which NGOs can improve life for the majority of people without remotely undermining state sovereignty.

    然而,這里也必須承認,中國政府擁有如此強大的權力基礎,以至于地球上幾乎沒有任何機構可以挑戰他們。這就是說,它確實提供了一些證據,表明非政府組織不一定會破壞主權,即使它們有重大參與。事實上,格林等許多人認為,即使富裕國家的民主政府運作良好,非政府組織仍然可以在不損害國家主權的情況下改善大多數人的生活。

    It is certainly important to acknowledged that the way in which globalisation has changed the world is unlikely to be reversed any time soon, and there is therefore an important question to be asked as to whether NGOs themselves are to blame for declining state power, or whether or not forces such as large corporations, supranational institutions and other similar entities are more to blame. Certainly NGOs have increased their role whilst state sovereignty has undoubtedly declined but this relationship could very well be as much coincidental as it is a correlation. Given the evidence examined above, it would therefore, seem much more plausible to argue that NGOs have not caused a trend of declining state sovereignty but that their increased involvement in plugging important provisions gaps within many countries has undoubtedly contributed or cemented this trend in place. Fundamentally however, it can be argued that this does not represent a significant issue for the majority of states.

    當然,必須承認,全球化改變世界的方式不太可能很快扭轉,因此,有一個重要的問題需要提出,即國家權力下降是否應歸咎于非政府組織本身,或者是否應更多地歸咎于大公司、超國家機構和其他類似實體等力量。當然,非政府組織增加了其作用,而國家主權無疑有所下降,但這種關系很可能是巧合,因為它是一種關聯。鑒于上述證據,認為非政府組織沒有造成國家主權下降的趨勢,但它們更多地參與填補許多國家內部的重要規定差距,無疑促成或鞏固了這一趨勢,似乎更有道理。然而,從根本上說,這對大多數國家來說并不是一個重大問題。

    It can therefore be argued, that the rise of NGOs has gone hand in hand with a decline in state sovereignty, particularly in some of the world’s poorest countries but that this decline in state power is unlikely to have been driven by NGOs and is much more likely to have been driven by other international forces. In many ways, the most likely outcome here is that NGOs have stepped in to fill in the gaps in provision, which have been left by the decline of state sovereignty caused by the increased power of institutions such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and major global corporations. This is certainly the view of a number of thinkers including Peet (2003) and Stiglitz (2002).

    因此,可以說,非政府組織的興起與國家主權的下降密切相關,特別是在世界上一些最貧窮的國家,但國家權力的下降不太可能是由非政府組織推動的,更可能是由其他國際力量推動的。在許多方面,最有可能的結果是,非政府組織已經介入,以填補由于世界貿易組織(WTO)、國際貨幣基金組織(IMF)和主要全球公司等機構的權力增加而導致國家主權下降而留下的條款空白。這當然是包括Peet和Stiglitz在內的許多思想家的觀點。

    It can therefore be seen, that the evidence and arguments examined above point more to a situation in which NGOs are not directly responsible for the erosion of state sovereignty in many cases but that they have probably indirectly contributed towards it. There is certainly a problematic relationship between many NGOs and many poorer states in the sense that many NGOs have now become so powerful that they are able to support large parts of state infrastructure in many countries (Green 2008). In addition there is strong evidence that many NGOs have intervened in states and have contradicted the power of the state by introducing policies such as supporting women into jobs (unpopular in some countries) and encouraging entrepreneurial behaviour in many other states through the use of microfinance (Smith 2013).

    Conclusion 結論

    In conclusion, it can therefore be argued, that the rise in power of NGOs has certainly coincided with declining sovereignty in many of the world’s poorest countries and indeed in some of the wealthiest as well. However, the arguments examined above show that to solely blame NGOs for this decline in sovereignty is likely to be wrong. Indeed, much of the evidence suggests that the decline in sovereignty has been pushed much more by organisations such as global corporations and particularly global governance institutions which have comprehensively challenged state power in many institutions. That said, it must also be acknowledged that many of the larger NGOs have evolved into very powerful institutions which have directly challenged state power. To the extent that this trend is likely to continue, it must therefore be acknowledged, that NGOs have contributed to a decline in state sovereignty but also that they are certainly not the root cause of this decline.

    References 參考文獻

    Chang, H-J. (2003). Rethinking Development Economics. London: Anthem Press.

    Eimer, D. (2009). China turns to British charities to plug gaps left by communist party. London: The Telegraph. 

    Green, D. (2008). From Poverty to Power. London: Oxfam.

    Houtzager, P (2006). Changing Paths: International Development And The New Politics Of Inclusion. Michigan:  University of Michigan Press.

    Krasner, S. (2001). Problematic Sovereignty: Contested Rules and Political Possibilities. Columbia: Columbia University Press.

    Peet, R. (2003). Unholy trinity. Zed Books

    Riddel, R. (2014). Does foreign aid really work? An updated assessment. Crawford School of Public Policy: Development Policy Centre.

    Smith, B. (2013). Understanding Third World Politics: Theories of Political Change and Development. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

    Stiglitz, J. (2002). Globalisation and its discontents. London: W.W.Norton.

    Thakur, R. (2006). The United Nations, Peace and Security: From Collective Security to the Responsibility to Protect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Weber, C. (2010). International Relations Theory: A Critical Introduction. London: Routledge.

    Assignment范文總結在世界上許多最貧窮的國家,甚至在一些最富有的國家,非政府組織權力的上升肯定與主權的下降同時發生。然而,上述論點表明,將主權的下降完全歸咎于非政府組織可能是錯誤的。事實上,許多證據表明,主權的下降更多地是由全球公司等組織推動的,尤其是全球治理機構,它們全面挑戰了許多機構中的國家權力。盡管如此,也必須承認,許多較大的非政府組織已經演變成非常強大的機構,直接挑戰國家權力。因此,必須承認,在這種趨勢可能持續的程度上,非政府組織促成了國家主權的下降,但它們肯定不是這種下降的根源。本站提供各國各專業Assignment寫作指導服務,如有需要可咨詢本平臺。


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